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Defining Terrorism Steven Best and Anthony J. Nocella, II
“It is important to bear in mind that the term “terrorism” is commonly
used as a term of abuse, not accurate description. It is close to a
historical universal that our terrorism against them is right and just
(whoever we happen to be), while their terrorism against us is an outrage.
As long as that practice is adopted, discussion of terrorism is not
serious. It is no more than a form of propaganda and
apologetics.” —Noam Chomsky
“It is only worth entering into definitions if something hangs on them.
In this case, something does.” —Adam Roberts, Professor of
International Relations, Oxford University
Barely a few years into it, the twenty-first century is
already clearly marked as the “Age of Terrorism.” The attacks of September
11, 2001 marked a salient turning point in the history of the U.S. and
indeed of global geopolitics. The U.S. declared its number one priority to
be the “War on Terrorism,” and its domestic, national, and international
policies have changed accordingly. In his address to the nation shortly
after the 9/11 attacks, Bush used the terms “terror,” “terrorism,” and
“terrorist” thirty-two times without ever defining what he meant. In
the amorphous name of “terrorism,” wars are being fought, geopolitical
dynamics are shifting, the U.S. is aggressively reasserting its
traditional imperialist role as it defies international law and world
bodies, and the state is sacrificing liberties to “security.” One of the
most commonly used words in the current vocabulary, “terrorism” is also
one of the most abused terms, applied to actions ranging from flying
fully-loaded passenger planes into buildings to rescuing pigs and chickens
from factory farms. An urgent project for the contemporary era, then,
is to critically engage the political semantics of the discourse of
terrorism.
Semantic Chaos
“There has never been any consensus definition of
terrorism.” —Richard Betts, director of the Institute of War and Peace
Studies, Columbia University
Everyone uses the term, but who really understands it? What
precisely is terrorism? What causes it? Who engages in it? Should
terrorists be identified according to their intentions, ideologies,
tactics, or targets? When is violence justified so that it is not
“terrorism”? How is terrorism different from assault, murder, and other
violent “criminal” acts? How can one distinguish morally culpable
terrorists from legitimate guerillas, insurgents, counter-terrorists, or
freedom fighters? Does terrorism include threats of violence as well
as actual acts of violence? How important to the concept is the intent to
create a psychological state of fear and intimidation, and thereby to
inhibit freedom of action and peace of mind? How broadly should one define
psychological terms like “fear” and “intimidation”? What is it to be
an “innocent” victim of terrorism? Who is “innocent” and who is “guilty”?
Can there be terrorism against military targets or only against
“civilians” and “non-combatants”? Does terrorism involve a sudden,
singular, direct dramatic action such as a bomb strike, or can it also
include an economic or political policy that unfolds slowly, indirectly,
yet devastatingly (such as decisions by a government that lead to poverty,
hunger, homelessness, and sickness for millions of its own citizens, or
the actions the World Bank takes to suppress justice struggles and enforce
economic austerity policies on the underdeveloped world)? How does the
new world of information and computers require changing the definition of
terrorism (e.g., “cyber-terrorism”)? And in a world of high-tech chemistry
and genetics, what about the new threats of “bio-terrorism” involving the
use of a biological agents to infect a large population? And what of
“agro-terrorism” which deploys a pathogen against crops, livestock, and
poultry? In addition to injury to people, can there be terrorism against
an economic system? Is it reasonable to speak of the “human terrorism”
against the animal world? It seems that the meaning of the term
terrorism becomes clear in inverse relation to the frequency with which it
is used. This is true in part because “terrorism” is inherently a complex
concept, but more so because it is a subjective, highly loaded,
emotionally and politically charged term whose meaning is relative to
one’s political ideology and agenda, and even one’s culture. Since no
individual, group, or government wants to accept the negative consequences
of the term, “terrorism” is always what someone else does. There is no
consensus definition of terrorism. One recent survey of definitions by
leading researchers found 109 different definitions. Beset by political
differences, the United Nations General Assembly was unable to pass a
resolution denouncing terrorism until 1985. A recent book discussing
attempts by the United Nations and other international bodies to define
terrorism is three volumes and 1,866 pages long, yet still reaches no firm
conclusion. As the UN puts it, “the question of a definition of terrorism
has haunted the debate among states for decades.” The European Union also
has been unable to formulate an adequate definition of terrorism
acceptable to all member states. Yet another illustration of the diffuse
nature of the term lies in the fact that the U.S. State Department, the
Department of Defense, and the Federal Bureau of Investigation all employ
different definitions.
The Exploitation of Language
U.S. industries and the state capitalize on the vagueness of
the term “terrorism” to apply it in any way they see fit to suit their
purposes. In post-9/11 America, the term is used so broadly and
promiscuously by state and industry interests that a “terrorist”—or
“eco-terrorist,” if an action challenges the interests of those exploiting
animals or natural resources—is simply anyone who disagrees with,
challenges, or inhibits their profit-driven agendas. We could not put it
better than Dan Berry, who wrote on the Clearinghouse for Environmental
Advocacy and Research: “If environmental groups cost business money, then
they’re eco-terrorists.” Under the current administration, protesters,
demonstrators, and government critics are denied their constitutional
rights, placed under surveillance, harassed, beaten, jailed, and defamed
as treacherous conspirators and terrorists. The political relativity of
the concept is manifest in the trite but true phrase “one man’s terrorist
is another man’s freedom fighter.” Depending on the interpreter, violence
against a perceived enemy can be seen as terrorism or counter-terrorism,
as aggressive offense or legitimate defense. To Israel and the U.S.
government, Palestinian organizations are terrorists, but to Palestinians
they are freedom fighters opposing the occupation of their homeland. The
Indian government considers groups working to liberate Kashmir from Indian
oppression to be terrorists, while many Pakistanis embrace them as
liberators. The U.S. calls its violent allies friends and impugns its foes
as terrorists. If we use violence against our enemies, it is a just war or
strike; if they use it against us, it is terrorism. The Reagan
administration championed the contras as freedom fighters, whereas the
Nicaraguan people who endured their bombs and bullets viewed them—more
accurately—as terrorists. In November 2001, Bush publicly referred to the
Northern Afghanistan alliance as “our friends,” ignoring the fact that,
“Since 1992, the various Alliance factions have killed tens of thousands
of civilians every bit as innocent as America’s 9/11 victims; their rap
sheets includes rape, torture, summary executions and ‘disappearances.’”
The U.S. hailed Osama bin Laden and his comrades as freedom fighters in
the 1980s, while many government officials denounced Nelson Mandela as a
terrorist. The Western world reviled the 9/11 attacks as a paradigm of
evil, but Al Qaeda and other enemies of the U.S. upheld it as a legitimate
strike in their jihad, while decrying U.S. bombings of Afghanistan as
terrorism. The U.S. corporate-state complex censures the ALF as
terrorists, while many activists champion them as freedom fighters. The
problem raised by pluralistic perspectives on terrorism is that of
establishing some kind of non-arbitrary foundation by which to condemn
heinous terrorist acts. Yonah Alexander proposes the norms of
international law as the way to distinguish terrorism from a “lawful war.”
Others find the critical issue to be whether the immediate target is
civilian. Still others uphold the indeterminacy—the lack of precision and
stability—of the term’s meaning. One important point of clarification
is that, while the terms “violence” and “terrorism” are used
interchangeably, they are two different concepts. All terrorism involves
violence, but not all violence is terrorism. For example, violence may be
used in cases of self-defense or against legitimate targets—“combatants”
rather than “non-combatants”—in conditions of war. Quite conveniently,
however, the U.S. military says, “We also consider as acts of terrorism
attacks on military installations or on armed military personnel when a
state of military hostilities does not exist at the site, such as bombings
against U.S. bases.” Even the U.S. military can be the target or object of
a terrorist attack—but it will never admit to conducting terrorist attacks
itself. The USA Patriot Act shrewdly exploits semantic vagueness. It
defines terrorism so broadly (see below) that virtually all political
struggle falls under its rubric. The inclusion of attacks on property (see
the FBI definition below) means that groups like the ALF and ELF can be
considered terrorists by those who accept this definition. Talk of
“harboring” terrorists throws out into the political arena a vast net of
guilt by association. Clearly, “terrorism” is not just a word; it is a
weapon. The definition is politically motivated by the user in order to
target certain individuals or groups. Speakers routinely brand their
adversaries as terrorists to malign their cause and demonize them while,
conversely, legitimating their own cause and any means necessary to secure
it. Regarding the politically motivated use of terrorist accusation, Tomis
Kapitan acutely observes:
There is a definite political purpose. .
. . Because of its negative connotation, the “terrorist” label discredits
any individuals or groups to which it is affixed. It dehumanizes them,
places them outside the norms of acceptable social and political behavior,
and portrays them as people who cannot be reasoned with. By delegitimating
any individuals or groups described as “terrorist,” the
rhetoric:
• Erases any incentive an audience might
have to understand their point of view so that questions about the
nature and origins of their grievances and the possibility [of]
legitimacy of their demand will not even be raised. • Deflects
attention away from the policies that might have contributed to their
grievances. • Repudiates any calls to negotiate with them. • Paves
the way for the use of force and violence in dealing with them and, in
particular, gives a government “freedom of action” by exploiting the
fears of its own citizens and stifling any objections to the manner in
which it deals with them. • Fails to distinguish between national
liberation movements and fringe lunatics.
Those who monopolize power and the means of
communication monopolize meaning; they can advance fraudulent definitions
of terrorism that become widely accepted and internalized as common
sense.
Definitional Exclusion #1: The U.S. and
State-Sponsored Terrorism
For self-serving purposes, the prevailing
definitions of terrorism leave out two key facets of violence: state and
state-sponsored terrorism, and species terrorism. First, they define
terrorists as lone individuals like Ted Kaczynski or sub-state groups like
the Red Brigade. They thereby exclude state or state-sponsored violence,
such as the longstanding U.S. policies that financed and directed coups
and political violence against civilian populations in Guatemala (1954),
Lebanon (1958), the Dominican Republic (1965), Vietnam (1954–75), Laos
(1964–1975), Cambodia (1969–1975), Nicaragua (1980-1990), Grenada (1983),
Panama (1989), and Iraq (1990-1991, 2003-) to name just some rogue
interventions. Terrorism is something that can be directed against a
government, but not directed by a government. U.S. definitions of
terrorism include the actions of insurgency movements—social justice
movements always demeaned as “communist” in the past—but never the horrors
perpetuated by U.S. clients like Somoza in Nicaragua, Pinochet in Chile,
and sundry dictators and right-wing death squads. The chemical warfare the
U.S. unleashed against the people of Vietnam caused far more casualties
than anything perpetuated by Saddam Hussein (using chemicals and weapons
given to him by the U.S.). In its imperialist war against Vietnam alone,
the U.S. killed over four million people. Official U.S. state
definitions of terrorism always deploy Manichean Good vs. Evil dramas.
This strategy allows a double standard whereby the forces of Good ignore
or downplay their own violence and legal violations, while hysterically
denouncing comparable or lesser infractions by the Evil side. But, as Noam
Chomsky observes, the U.S. itself is a textbook case of any reasonable
definition of terrorism. In the United States Code and army manuals,
terrorism is defined as “the calculated use of violence against civilians
to intimidate, induce fear, often to kill, for some political, religious,
or other end.” The problem with the official definition, however, is that
it “turns out to be almost the same as the definition of official U.S.
policy,” though the latter is masked as “counter-insurgency” or
“low-intensity conflict.” The official definition, Chomsky claims, makes
the U.S. “a leading terrorist state because it engages in these practices
all the time. . . . It’s the only state, in fact, which has been condemned
by the World Court and the Security Council for terrorism, in this sense.”
Similarly, if one adheres to the official FBI definition of violence,
it is clear that in country after country, as systematic and deliberate
policy, the U.S. government has used deliberate “force or violence”
“unlawfully,” “to intimidate or coerce a government, [a] civilian
population, or [a] segment thereof,” in order to achieve “political or
social objectives.” In Philip Cryan’s deconstruction, the U.S. has been
“directly responsible for acts of terrorism, and for the ‘harboring’ of
terrorists, on an almost unimaginable scale in terms of human death and
the creation of fear. When Green Berets trained the Guatemalan army in the
1960s—leading to a campaign of bombings, death squads, and ‘scorched
earth’ assaults that killed or ‘disappeared’ 200,000—U.S. Army Colonel
John Webber called it ‘a technique of counter-terror.’” The U.S. coup
against the democratically-elected Socialist leader Salvador Allende led
to tens of thousands of civilian deaths and torture on a mass scale.
Terrorist Henry Kissinger, a key architect of the coup, was awarded the
Nobel Peace Prize in 1973 and the media continues to portray him as a
credible policy expert and ambassador to peace. The U.S. backing of the
infamous contras fomented massacres and bloodshed in Nicaragua in the
early 1980s, and its backing of the fascist government of El Salvador
resulted in 70,000 civilian deaths. The U.S. “harbors” terrorists and
rogue states on a global scale. Bin Laden’s main line of support stems
from Pakistan and Saudi Arabia, two major U.S. allies; and the CIA trained
and funded the Afghan resistance movement that became the epicenter of
terrorist training camps. Speaking of terrorist training camps, let us not
forget that at the infamous School of the Americas in Fort Benning,
Georgia, the U.S. instructed thousands of Latin American military
personnel, humanitarian soldiers like Manuel Noriega who went on to become
some of the best dictators, torturers, and mass murderers money can buy.
Definitional Exclusion #2: Species
Terrorism
Virtually all definitions of terrorism, even by
“progressive” human rights champions, outright banish from consideration
the most excessive violence of all—that which the human species unleashes
against all nonhuman species. Speciesism is so ingrained and entrenched in
the human mind that the human pogrom against animals does not even appear
on the conceptual radar screen. Any attempt to perceive nonhuman animals
as innocent victims of violence and human animals as planetary terrorists
is rejected with derision. But if terrorism is linked to intentional
violence inflicted on innocent persons for ideological, political, or
economic motivations, and nonhuman animals also are “persons”—subjects of
a life—then the human war against animals is terrorism. Every individual
who terrifies, injures, tortures, and/or kills an animal is a terrorist;
fur farms, factory farms, foie gras, vivisection, and other exploitative
operations are terrorist industries; and governments that support these
industries are terrorist states. The true weapons of mass destruction are
the gases, rifles, stun guns, cutting blades, and forks and knives used to
experiment on, kill, dismember, and consume animal bodies. The numbers
of animals slaughtered by human beings is staggering. Each year, in the
U.S. alone:
• Over 10 billion farmed animals are killed
for food consumption; • 17–70 million animals are killed for testing
and experimentation; • Over 100 million are killed for hunting;
and • 7–8 million animals are trapped or raised in confinement for
their fur.
These figures do not include the millions of
animals killed by the Wildlife Services division of the U.S. Department of
Agriculture (formerly known as Animal Damage Control) to protect livestock
industry cattle; the 55,000 horses killed in the United States and
processed for human consumption; the countless numbers of animals
exploited and killed by various facets of the animal “entertainment”
industry; and other forms of killing by human predators. For the
animals, every second is a 9/11 attack.
The FBI concept of terrorism defines terrorism
as attacks on property, but not on non-human life. Thus, by a definitional
fait accompli, the ALF is a terrorist group, but not the animal
exploitation industries that murder billions of animals every year. The
corporate-state complex coined the neologism “eco-terrorism” and currently
is expanding and exploiting the meaning of “agro-terrorism,” to bring acts
of sabotage against property by groups like the ALF and ELF within the
conventional parameters of heinous and despicable forms of violence and
evil. Despite national laws against property destruction that already
exist, the destroyers of animals and the Earth are intent on reframing
sabotage as terrorism, thereby maximizing their ability to vilify and
punish strikes against them.
What is Terrorism?
As suggested by the German philosopher Ludwig
Wittgenstein, one cannot always precisely specify the necessary and
sufficient elements of a definition, but one can provide a cluster of
related concepts. There is no single, universally accepted definition of
terrorism, nor is there ever likely to be. Key aspects of terrorism—such
as political or ideological motives, violence, targeting noncombatants,
the aim of terrorizing, the goal to modify behavior—are relatively clear,
but formulating them in a clear, compact, quasi-objective definition has
proven to be an enormous challenge. As terrorism expert Walter Laqueur
writes, “Even if there were an objective, value-free definition of
terrorism, covering all its important aspects and features, it would still
be rejected by some for ideological reasons.” Any broad, abstract
definition of “terrorism” always is open to attack by counter-example,
will leave out some important element, will be vague to the point of
meaninglessness, and may lend itself to political repression. The State
Department definition focuses on subnational groups and leaves out nation
states. Government analyses exclude from their definitions of terrorism
political and economic policies that slowly but surely kill thousands of
millions of innocent people. No definitions of terrorism, even those
advanced by “progressives” like Chomsky, ever take into consideration the
human war against animals. Our own definition below does not
incorporate a psychological aspect involving attempts to create “fear” or
“intimidation,” because we find these terms lend themselves to overly
broad interpretations that legitimate political repression of activist
groups. We prefer to focus on physical violence against all forms of life.
Given the root word of “terror,” terrorists clearly aim to frighten and
intimidate their targets, but their primary intention is to inflict
physical injury or to kill (and so we find it a bit of a stretch to call
groups like SHAC terrorists but certainly not those who profit from
violence against animals). We also exclude from our definition of
terrorism acts of property destruction against industries as: (1) these
acts are defensible in principle; (2) such illegal actions already have
names and penalties that do not merit being upgraded from sabotage,
vandalism, or arson to terrorism; and (3) the real terrorism involves the
crimes that corporations and governments commit against human beings,
animals, and the Earth. Capturing a diversity of definitions of
terrorism is a way to begin building a fair and just working definition.
Although co-opted by and for the interests of U.S. industries and elites,
the meaning of the term “terrorism” is worth struggling over, because in
this obscenely violent world there are real terrorists whose actions need
to be defined, condemned, and deterred. The task of shaping an accurate
definition of terrorism is of enormous consequence today; nothing less
than democracy and the right to dissent is at stake. Vague definitions of
terrorism give government greater latitude in persecuting dissent. Rather
than be standing targets for the terrorism of “terrorism,” activists and
voices of opposition need to provide sound definitions and expose the real
terrorists for who and what they are. The following definitions are
examples of attempts to define terrorism, including general statements and
U.S. government definitions. The repetition of terms and meanings is
unavoidable, but it points to key elements that may be necessary or part
of a future consensual definition. Save for our own, no definition below
directly includes the violence a human being, industry, state, or human
species directs against animals. That is a key philosophical and
political task of the present era.
I. General
Definitions
The unlawful use or threatened use of force or
violence by a person or an organized group against people or property with
the intention of intimidating or coercing societies or governments, often
for ideological or political reasons. —The American Heritage Dictionary
of the English Language, Fourth Edition
Terrorism is the intentional use of physical
violence directed against innocent persons—human and/or nonhuman
animals—to advance the religious, ideological, political, or economic
purposes of an individual, organization, corporation, or state government.
—Steven Best and Anthony J. Nocella
Terrorism is the deliberate use of violence
against civilians in order to attain political, ideological, or religious
aims. —Boaz Ganor, Executive Director of the Institute for
Counter-Terrorism
Terrorism is the threat and use of both
psychological and physical force in violation of international law by
state and sub-state agencies for strategic and political goals. —Yonah
Alexander, Director of the Institute for Studies in International
Terrorism, State University of New York
Terrorism is the use or threatened use of force
designed to bring about political change. —Brian Jenkins, founder of
the RAND Corporation’s terrorism research program
Terrorism constitutes the illegitimate use of
force to achieve a political objective when innocent people are
targeted. —Walter Laqueur, Chairman of the International Research
Council at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, author of
The Age of Terrorism
Terrorism is the premeditated, deliberate,
systematic murder, mayhem, and threatening of the innocent to create fear
and intimidation in order to gain a political or tactical advantage,
usually to influence an audience. —James M. Poland, Emeritus Professor,
Criminal Justice, California State University, Sacramento
Terrorism is the use of force or the threat of
force by an individual, group, or nation-state against a civilian
population to achieve a political end. —Robert Jensen, Professor in the
School of Journalism, University of Texas at Austin
Terrorism is the systematic use of coercive
intimidation against civilians for political goals…. The goals of
terrorism are always political…. Terrorism as a political act is a primary
means of expression and not a last resort. . . . The targets of terrorist
coercion are the civilian population. —Pippa Norris, Montague Kern, and
Marion Just, authors of Framing Terrorism: The News Media, the Government
and the Public (2003)
Terrorism is the deliberate use of violence, or
the threat of such, directed upon civilians in order to achieve political
objectives. —Tomis Kapitan, Professor of Philosophy Northern Illinois
University
Intrinsically, terrorism is a state of mind.
Political terrorism, presumably, is the state of mind of political actors
who are paralyzed by the threat of unpredictable attack. By default the
concept has come to be employed to characterize the kinds of actions that
are assumed to induce “terrorism.” The circularity of this definition is
obvious. —Ted Robert Gurr, founder and director of Maryland’s Center
for International Development and Conflict Management
Terrorism is the calculated use of violence or
threat of violence to attain goals that are political, religious, or
ideological in nature through intimidation, coercion, or instilling
fear. —Noam Chomsky, Professor of Linguistics, Massachusetts Institute
of Technology
Terrorism is an act carried out to achieve an inhuman
and corrupt objective and involving threat to security of any kind, and in
violation of the rights acknowledged by religion and mankind. —Ayatulla
Taskhiri, Iranian religious scholar
Terrorism is the half-thinking man’s
conditioned reflex to sustained oppression and lack of personal
empowerment. —Shaukat Qadir, retired Pakistani soldier and political
analyst
Terrorism has become an invective that opposing
sides hurl at each other for propaganda. The word means those who
deliberately harm innocent life for the purpose of forcing behavioral
change. —Mark Somma, Chair of the Political Science Department, Fresno
State University
“Terrorism” is a word people use to refer to
armed struggles they don’t like. —John Burdick, Associate Professor,
Syracuse University
II. State and Political
Definitions
All criminal acts directed against a State and
intended or calculated to create a state of terror in the minds of
particular persons or a group of persons or the general public. —League
of Nations (1937)
Any act intended to cause death or serious
bodily injury to a civilian, or to any other person not taking an active
part in the hostilities in a situation of armed conflict, when the purpose
of such act, by its nature or context, is to intimidate a population, or
to compel a government or an international organization to do or to
abstain from doing any act. —United Nations
Terrorism is an anxiety-inspiring method of
repeated violent action, employed by (semi-) clandestine individual, group
or state actors, for idiosyncratic, criminal or political reasons,
whereby—in contrast to assassination—the direct targets of violence are
not the main targets. The immediate human victims of violence are
generally chosen randomly (targets of opportunity) or selectively
(representative or symbolic targets) from a target population, and serve
as message generators. Threat- and violence-based communication processes
between terrorist (organization), (imperiled) victims, and main targets
are used to manipulate the main target (audience(s)), turning it into a
target of terror, a target of demands, or a target of attention, depending
on whether intimidation, coercion, or propaganda is primarily
sought. —UN Office of Drugs and Crime, Academic Consensus Definition
(Schmid, 1988)
Regardless of the differences between
governments on the definition of terrorism, what is clear and what we can
all agree on is any deliberate attack on innocent civilians, regardless of
one’s cause, is unacceptable and fits into the definition of
terrorism. —United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan
Terrorism is the unlawful use or threat of
violence against persons or property to further political or social
objectives. It is usually intended to intimidate or coerce a government,
individuals or groups, or to modify their behavior or
politics. —Vice-President’s Task Force, 1986
1. It is premeditated—planned in advance,
rather than an impulsive act of rage. 2. It is political—not criminal,
like the violence that groups such as the mafia use to get money, but
designed to change the existing political order. 3. It is aimed at
civilians—not at military targets or combat-ready troops. 4. It is
carried out by subnational groups—not by the army of a country. —Paul
Pillar, former deputy chief of the CIA’s Counterterrorist
Center
Terrorism is the calculated use of unlawful
violence or threat of unlawful violence to inculcate fear; intended to
coerce or to intimidate governments or societies in the pursuit of goals
that are generally political, religious, or ideological. —Department of
Defense
The term “terrorism” means premeditated,
politically motivated violence perpetrated against noncombatant targets by
sub-national groups or clandestine agents, usually intended to influence
an audience. The term “international terrorism” means terrorism involving
citizens or the territory of more than one country. The term “terrorist
group” means any group practicing, or that has significant subgroups that
practice, international terrorism. —State Department
Terrorism is the unlawful use of force or
violence against persons or property to intimidate or coerce a government,
the civilian population, or any segment thereof, in furtherance of
political or social objectives. —FBI Definition (revised July
2001)
III. Definitions of “Domestic
Terrorism” and “Animal Rights and Ecological Terrorism
Domestic terrorism involve[s] acts dangerous to
human life that (A) are a violation of the criminal laws of the United
States or of any State; and (B) appear to be intended (or to have the
effect): (i) to intimidate or coerce a civilian population; (ii) to
influence the policy of a government by intimidation or coercion; or (iii)
to affect the conduct of a government (or any function thereof) by mass
destruction, assassination, or kidnapping (or threat thereof); or (C)
occur primarily within the territorial jurisdiction of the United
States. —USA Patriot Act (Section 802)
Animal rights or ecological terrorist
organization means two or more persons organized for the purpose of
supporting any politically motivated activity intended to obstruct or
deter any person from participating in an activity involving animals or an
activity involving natural resources. —Texas House Bill 433, “Animal
Rights and Ecological Terrorism”
IV. Definitions of “Bioterrorism” and
“Agro-terrorism”
Bioterrorism is the use of biological agents to
intentionally produce disease or intoxication in susceptible
populations. —USDA’s Animal and Plant Health Inspection
Service
Bioterrorism is the use of biological agents in
terrorism. This includes the malevolent use of bacteria, viruses, or
toxins against people, animals, or plants. —Onnalee Henneebery, Centers
for Disease Control and Prevention
Bioterrorism can be described as the use, or
threatened use, of biological agents to promote or spread fear or
intimidation upon an individual, a specific group, or the population as a
whole for religious, political, ideological, financial, or personal
purposes. These biological agents, with the exception of smallpox virus,
are typically found in nature in various parts of the world. They can be,
however, weaponized to enhance their virulence in humans and make them
resistant to vaccines and antibiotics. This usually involves using
selective reproduction pressure or recombinant engineering to mutate or
modify the genetic composition of the agent. Bioterrorism agents may be
disseminated by various methods, including aerosolization, through
specific blood-feeding insects, or food and water
contamination. —Arizona Department of Health Services
Agroterrorism is the act of any person
knowingly or maliciously using biological agents as weapons against the
agricultural industry and the food supply. —Steve Cain, Agricultural
Communications Specialist
Agroterrorism is the use of biological or
chemical agents directed against crops and livestock in an effort to
disrupt the food supply to a population. —Vermont Health Alert
Network
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For an excellent historical and political
analysis of the complexity of terrorism, see “The Criminology of
Terrorism: History, Law, Definitions, and Typologies,”
faculty.ncwc.edu/toconnor/429/429lect01.htm.
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Ray Takeyh, “Two Cheers from the Islamic
World,” Foreign Policy, 2002, 128 (Jan-Feb): 70-1.
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Cited in Dennis Hans, “Bush’s Definition of
Terrorism Fits Northern Alliance Like a Glove; TV Interviewers Don’t
Notice,” Common Dreams News Center, November 23, 2001,
www.commondreams.org/views01/1123-05.htm.
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“Terrorist Group Profiles,”
library.nps.navy.mil/home/tgp/tgpmain.htm.
-
For an analysis of the self-interested
nature of the definition of terrorism, see Brian Whitaker, “The
Definition of Terrorism,” The Guardian, May 7, 2001.
-
Thomas Kapitan, “The Terrorism of
‘Terrorism,’” in James Sterba, ed., Terrorism and International Justice
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), 47-66. Kapitan’s essay is
enormously important for the task of creating a credible definition of
terrorism that does not render invisible the bulk of violence today and
does not demonize peace and justice movements. Kapitan also describes
various ways in which sloppy and politically motivated “terrorist”
rhetoric increases terrorism, such as by encouraging a cycle of violence
and revenge (53).
-
For a dated but still valuable account of
U.S. state-sponsored terrorism, see Edward S. Herman, The Real Terror
Network: Terrorism in Fact and Propaganda (Boston: MA: South End Press,
1982).
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A 1937 League of Nations Convention, for
instance, defines terrorism as “all criminal acts directed against a
State and intended or calculated to create a state of terror in the
minds of particular persons or a group of persons or the general
public.” Title 22 of the U.S. Code defines terrorism as “premeditated,
politically motivated violence” against “noncombatant targets by
subnational groups” usually with the goal to influence an
audience.
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These fascist dictatorships created and
financed by the U.S. were euphemistically called (right-wing)
“authoritarian” governments to distinguish them from the allegedly far
more evil (left-wing) “totalitarian” governments. See Herman’s The Real
Terror Network on this distinction. Edward S. Herman, “Global Rogue
State,” www.zmag.org/zmag/articles/feb98herman.htm.
-
Stephan Marshall interview with Noam
Chomsky, www.guerrillanews.com/counter_intelligence/207.html
-
Philip Cryan, “Defining Terrorism,”
200www.counterpunch.org.cryan1.html.
-
See School of the Americas Watch at
www.soaw.org.new. Their site notes that “SOA graduates have included
many of the most notorious human rights abusers from Latin America. SOA
graduates have led military coups and are responsible for massacres of
hundreds of people. Among the SOA’s nearly 60,000
graduates are notorious dictators Manuel Noriega and Omar Torrijos of
Panama, Leopoldo Galtieri and Roberto Viola of Argentina, Juan Velasco
Alvarado of Peru, Guillermo Rodriguez of Ecuador, and Hugo Banzer Suarez
of Bolivia. SOA graduates were responsible for the Uraba massacre in
Colombia, the El Mozote massacre of 900 civilians in El Salvador, the
assassination of Archbishop Oscar Romero, and the Jesuit massacre in El
Salvador, the La Cantuta massacre in Peru, the torture and murder of a
UN worker in Chile, and hundreds of other human rights abuses. In
September 1996, under intense pressure from religious and grassroots
groups, the Pentagon released seven Spanish-language training manuals
used at the SOA until 1991. The New York Times reported, “Americans can
now read for themselves some of the noxious lessons the United States
Army taught thousands of Latin Americans. . . . [The SOA manuals]
recommended interrogation techniques like torture, execution, blackmail
and arresting the relatives of those being questioned.”
-
On the concept of animals as “subjects of a
life,” see Tom Regan, The Case for Animal Rights (Berkely: University of
California Press, 1983.
-
These numbers are from the years 1999-2000;
fur figures vary greatly according to consumer demand. Hunting numbers
have been steadily dropping as factory-farmed animal deaths continue to
rise.
-
In June 2001, at the Frontiers of Freedom
ecoterrorism conference, Rep. George Nethercutt (R-WA) unveiled his
“Agroterrorism Prevention Act of 2001." The bill proposed to expand the
1992 Animal Enterprise Protection Act to protect the property interests
of biotech, timber, and various agricultural and biological industries
from "terrorists" and saboteurs. As noted by PR Watch, “The bill
contains increased sentencing for all levels of violation and an
expanded definition of types of businesses defined as "plant
enterprises," including stores that sell "plant products" (i.e. paper or
wood). Under this extremely broad definition, blocking access to an
office supply store, or "conspiring" to limit profitability of paper
products, could be considered "agro-terrorism" if the loss of revenue
met the law's threshold. Likewise, putting "frankenfood" stickers on GMO
products in grocery stores, if the profit loss could be proven, would be
considered a terrorist act. Tree-sitting or road blocking to prevent a
timber sale would almost certainly qualify as a disruption that would
meet the revenue loss threshold.” “Post 9/11 Anti-Environmentalism
Threatens Green Activism,”
http://www.prwatch.org/documents/clear_v9n1.html. In June 2002,
President Bush signed into law the “Public Health Security and
Bioterrorism Response Act of 2002” (also known as the “Bioterrorism
Preparedness Act of 2001”). The act is available online at:
http://www.theorator.com/bills107/hr2795.html.
-
Walter Laqueur, The Age of Terrorism
(Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1987), pp. 149-50.
-
For the text of the bill, see
www.capitol.state.tx.us/tlo/78r/billtext/HB00433I.HTM.
Animal Liberation Philosophy and Policy Journal, Volume 2, No. 1,
2004. © Steve Best and Anthony J. Nocella II
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